Essay/Term paper: Blood and belonging
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This is a
critique of the book, Blood and Belonging, by Michael
Ignatieff. This paper will explain the subject of the book and
its relevance, discuss Michael Ignatieff's methods and
conclusions on the subject and finally include a personal
critique of the book by the author of this paper. The author
of the book travels on what he terms "the six journeys." On
these "journeys" he encounters different cultures, as he
travels to six different coinciding areas of the world. He
examines the unique expression of nationalism that each
populace displays by interviewing various members of that
particular society. The six areas that he travels to are
specifically chosen for the clarity which nationalism is
expressed in society. Nationalism is a factor contributing
toward both present possible future instability in these areas.
These areas are former Yugoslavia (specifically Croatia and
Serbia), Germany, Ukraine, Quebec, Kurdistan and
Northern Ireland. According to Ignatieff, in Croatia and
Serbia there is a desire for a separate identity between the
two nations. The fear of losing one's national identity has
caused ethnic hatred. A terror so strong and historically
persistent, it has driven people to a desperate state to do
anything. This is a large contributor to the reasons for the
extreme violence present there today. The author states, "A
Croat, thus, is someone who is not a Serb. A Serb is
someone who is not a Croat." This quotation profoundly
expresses the short-sighted mentality present in their conflict.
In his travels in Germany, the author points out an important
question. Does the nation make the state, or the state the
nation? This question by far does not stop here, especially
when Germany is the subject. The essence of the German
people is seen by some as aggressive and offensive, thus the
existence of the German problem. If the nation makes the
state then Germany will always be a threat. If the state
makes the nation, then the aggressive nature of the German
nation, which lead the world into two global wars, can be
harnessed and redirected. The question has its roots and
answers in the recent reunification of Germany. The Ukraine
is concerned with not being Russian. It is here Ignatieff
receives a complete vision of what nationalism is. He states,
"I understand what nationalism really is: the dream that a
whole nation could be like a congregation; singing the same
hymns, listening to the same gospel, sharing the same
emotions, linked not only to each other but to the dead
buried beneath their feet." Quebec is a model that presents a
possible future of the state system. Ignatieff uses the example
of Quebec to illustrate the relationship between nationalism
and federalism. He implies that "if federalism fails in Canada
it can fail anywhere." If the balance between "ethnic and civil
principles" is not maintained in Canada, who is not an
impoverished country and has a large, successful economy;
then perhaps the modern world has not transcended the
grasps of nationalism. The Kurds represent a nation without
a state, who find themselves surrounded by other nations
who are more aggressive nationalists. The term Kurdistan is
a definition of the areas used by Ignatieff to explain the area
of major Kurdish populace concentration. There is no real
borders, no flag, no government and Kurds must
acknowledge the state in which they reside (i.e., - Syria,
Turkey, Iran and Iraq), of which, is not Kurdistan. Finally,
the sixth journey ends in Northern Ireland. He makes the
observation that this is the ideal place to conclude his
project. Northern Ireland contains a recurrence of the
themes that seemed so prevalent in the other journeys. In
Ireland ethnicity, religion and politics are all bound into one
expression or identity. These are also evident in the five
previous studies. Is Michael Ignatieff's work relevant? The
answer to this question is, yes it is. The issue is important.
Nationalism presents itself as a phenomenon. The questions
of why people need to retain a cultural identity and the way
they go about preserving it is still unanswerable. Evermore
unfathomable is the violence permeated through nationalistic
expressions, which are "necessary" by the parties involved.
The very existence of the enigma created by nationalism
dictates the need to explore the subject in more depth. The
situations in the book are not isolated events. Nationalism
exists in every state all over the world. There is a dichotomy
presented by Ignatieff between nationalism and federalism.
He explains the political doctrine of nationalism by stating
"(1)that the world's peoples are divided into nations, (2) that
these nations should have the right of self-determination, and
(3) that the full self-determination requires statehood."
Federalism, though not a particular ideology, is a means of
sharing political power among different peoples within a
state. The various systems of government which fall under
the definition of federalism are not problematic to the
people; unless, of course, they are not completely legitimate.
If the government is illegitimate, then ideally nationalism steps
in to demand a completely self-determined government,
which renders proper representation to its populace. Despite
the diversity of a state's population, theoretically, harmony is
maintained since the people are properly represented or
controlled. This situation with variation is experienced
throughout the world. States are dynamic, also their
government and populace. If the dynamics of the
government or the state do not keep up with the pace of
change in the populace, then instability will rise in the name
of nationalism and shake the very foundation of the state if
left unchecked or not placated. The method used by the
author of the book was personal interviews with both
prominent people and the normal everyday person in the
areas visited. He also uses descriptions on the surrounding
areas to accent the point of discussion. His intent was to
objectively take the reader on a stroll through the areas he
visited. Through his style of writing, he allows the reader to
sit in on his interview by highlighting specific questions and
the responses that take place in his conversations. Finally, he
creates visual images that he had viewed as ironic and
analogical in support of his observations. Ignatieff comes to
the conclusion that nationalism is not the problem of this
world. Continuing, he goes on to say that when one loses
their individuality to become a "patriot," that is where the
danger lies. Being yourself is something that ethnic
nationalism does not allow. Political ideologies can become
blinding to its possessors. At the beginning of the book
mentions that he is a liberal. The traveling and experiences
did not change that at all. He notes the importance of "liberal
virtues - tolerance, compromise, reason," but concludes in
an observation about how these virtues are opposing human
nature. Ignatieff addresses the violence factor that surrounds
nationalism like a plague, concluding that, nationalist rhetoric
is an excuse to commit acts of violence. He observed that
most of the violence is performed by young men between
the ages of 18 to 25. His explanation is that the liberal mind
set forgets that not everyone hates violence. He also says
that there exists in males a basic loathing of peace. Human
nature is the reason for the violence or Ignatieff thinks that it
is specifically male human nature. I personally enjoyed the
book and found it to be interesting reading. It had the aspect
of a novel without losing its academic nature. Michael
Ignatieff's writing style was creative and supported his
observations well. He portrayed the destruction that he
found in his journeys in a way that allowed the reader to
experience the same despair and hopelessness of seeing it
first hand. Another interesting perspective that the author
added to the book was his own identity. He traveled to
places that he had either lived at or where his family
originally came from. His family roots add a personal touch
that would otherwise have been left out. Religion and its role
in society are important concerning nationalism. It is in this
author's opinion that religions not be viewed as a secondary
facet to nationalism. The Islamic uprisings in France and the
peace talks in southwest Asia between Israel and Syria are
two different perspectives to the argument. Claude Barreau,
advisor to the minister of interior in France says, "Foreigners
arriving in France . . . now have a new fatherland. Islam has
a place in France, provided it is willing to stay discreet as the
other religions. But Islamist are coming as colonisers." This
illustrates an underlying principal that splits Europe down the
middle. France is a representation of Europe according to
the late Charles De Gaulle. France has adopted internal
policies to control the growth of Islam by limiting both social
expressions of that faith and by specific immigration
procedures. Are not the three million plus population of
Moslems in France entitled to nationalistic expression of
their identity as French Muslims? Where does that leave the
Bosnian Muslims, the Turks or any other non Christian state
located near or inside Europe? The second point deals with
Israel and Syria. The two countries have been at odds with
each other since 1947 when Israel was recognized as a
state. The main reason for the clash is the difference of
religion, not national identity. However, both countries have
evolved since their beginnings and have strong nationalistic
tendencies. Both countries are now leaning toward
compromise rather than a holy war. As the talks continue for
the return of the Golan Heights to Lebanon the Moslem Jew
factor still remains tense. Of the recent peace talks is the
strip of land called the Golan Heights in north of Israel.
Avoiding an attempt to explain an extremely complex
situation or to oversimplify the matter, it is a fact that many
heads of state in the region are choosing political solutions to
old religious problems. However, the foundations of their
society are religions, to be specific Islam and Judism. This
religious factor will never cease and always cause instability
in the region because of fundmentalism present on both
sides. In conclusion, the subject of the book, Blood and
Belonging, has been discussed. The relevance of the book's
theme was examined along with the authors methods and
style of writing. This critique also addressed the conclusions
drawn by Michael Ignatieff concerning nationalism and its
expressions in the world. Perhaps the world will allways
have to deal with the dichotomy dicussed in this paper,
however one can only hope that a long lasting solution will
be found. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Ignatieff, Michael Blood
and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism. New
York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1993. 2. "It Depends
on Rabin." The Economist, 24th-30th September, 1994, pp.
42-43. 3. "Secularity Defied." The Economist, 8th-14th
October, 1994, p.53.